SCHO advocate LENIN DO REVOLUTION “Russia has no choice of vibrational rules. To rule that, who are right to present a nizhka, who is a breach and swallowed, flatter and grow. To rule the secret, the people do not know how the laws are prepared, how the news is coming, how new taxes are introduced,

I Lenin and Trotsky thought that he was glad of robotic and soldier's deputies, being the organ of the people of the people, taking in their hands all the power of the sovereign power, or, more precisely, turning those who are willing to turn, so that men and women bore

I Lenin and Trotsky bachelled in the peasantry of the overwhelming ally of the proletariat. The offense was lost in the quality of the key vimogi, the confiscation of the land and the transfer to the peasantry. "As the stench of the earth is murky," Lenin said about the villagers, "be sure that the stench won't let you down, they won't sleep with us." Trotsky Bouv of tієї zh dumki: "If the revolution is to hand over the land to the Russian peasants, so that the tsar and the assistants should be entrusted, then the peasants will be forced to seize their power against the monarchical counter-revolution." Ale, bachachi in the peasantry of the ally of the revolutionary proletariat, I was skeptical about the prospects of such an alliance before, I will see it as a time-consuming retreat, I will raise the awareness of the promises of socialist revolutions deceived lands... Having respected that, the proletariat is not guilty of any deed to the peasantry. “Bulo b zlochinom,” wrote win, “radically embed it on the zavdannya N.V.) by the way of attaching our policy to the national-patriotic interconnection of the village ... "

Nareshty, і Lenin, and Trotsky went because of the fact that the revolution in Russia would give the post revolution in Europe, the stench was called to the credit for the union with the proletariat of the world. “I don’t broadcast a Russian peasant with the revolution,” wrote Lenin, “I’ll broadcast a Russian peasant”. Trotsky interpreted even more rigorously determined links, in fact, put the success of the Russian revolution in the direct presence of the proletariat of the other powers. "... The Russian robber has broken suicide, paying for his calls with the peasant at the price of breaking his calls with the European proletariat."

In the meantime, protest, in the face of the occasional movement, the way and the methods of implementation of the establishment, such as the regional establishment, the term and the decency of its involvement in life, nareshty, that specific social and political in a reasonable way.

Lenin went through the freedom of the flowing moment, but after taking the opportunity to grow into the future of the bourgeois-democratic revolution in socialism, moving from the first stage of the revolution to the other, and to that one, the idea of ​​being "The originality of the present moment in Russia is stored in transition the first stage of the revolution, which gave power to the bourgeoisie through a lack of witness and organization to the proletariat, - Lenin wrote, - to anotherїї stage, who is guilty of giving power into the hands of the proletariat and the most popular vernaculars of the peasantry. "

Trotsky is using the scheme of non-interruption, without the stage of revolution. Winning Lutnev revolution from the French end of the 18th century. In France, with a head ruinous force, the other bourgeoisie of the world appeared on his mind, which trimmed the peasant mass in flowing. In Russia, the miscellaneous bourgeoisie has an insignificant role to play, since it has an economical position in the support of the boule in the provinces of weakness. Russian capitalism, having invoked Trotsky, from the very cob had increased a high level of concentration and centralization, and especially in respect to the status quo of all powers, which belonged to the state. The Russian proletariat was prototypical in the Russian bourgeoisie as a class class at the time of the first Russian revolution in 1905. Looks like a timid visnovok, who respects the revolution in Russia for its character is guilty of being at once the revolutionary proletarian, without any transitional forms and intermediate steps.

Tsyu point to the point Trotsky vіdstoyuvav actually to the end of life. To navigate in the "History of the Russian Revolution", as it was written with a significant correction of their glances from the people of Lenin's ancestors, winners, wondering why Petrogradskiy is glad to please the power of Chkheydze, the Tsar The paradox is effective mav mice. Ale not in that sense, in what was Trotsky's mind: moving, do not see the Rada of the bourgeoisie, and the bully would not be bourgeois, but the proletarian revolution. Tsya voluntarily giving positions to Radoy spoke about the paradox of the one-man’s shtib - about the righteous rejection of the doctrine of menschism, which was raised to a dogmatic, one-color, lucid revolutionary process (since the revolution is bourgeois, it doesn’t mean bourgeoisism) the bourgeoisie and the proletariat enter the role of hegemon in the bourgeois-democratic stage of the revolution.

True, in the past, the statty, which became the subject of a polemic with Radek, wrote: “The permanent revolution didn’t mean for me, in political activity, to redeploy through the democratic stage of the revolution, such as through private I formulated the same way with Lenin ... "Ale, literally two years later, in the book" Permanent Revolution ", there is no more ".

Fatally earlier, in one of the first program documents "International Livos" Opozitsiya, "Fighting Bolshoy Leninists (Opposites) in the SRCR. Against the capitalists ", Trotsky poured on the same:" Between the regime of Kerensky and Chiang Kai-shek, from one side, and the dictatorship of the proletariat - from the one ganely deceiving robots Going out, preparing new catastrophes. "

The comprehension of the history of life in the context of the theory of "permanent revolution" allowed Trotsky to help Trotsky what was clear to Lenin when assessing the prospects of the revolution. Lenin respects the socialism, and altogether he made a contradictory introduction to socialism. For everyone in Russia, there were neither active nor sub-active changes. In one of its own last articles("About our revolution"), directly setting the state of mind for changes in minds, if the proletariat is in the alliance with the peasantry under the rule. For Trotsky, the knowledge of the proletariat under Vladi maє buti vikoristano ahead for the "development" of the revolution. As soon as it is impossible to succumb to death, having venerated Trotsky, it means that Russia has fallen too early and the end of the revolution is inevitable.

Hiba tse is similar to the minted Lenin formula in the statty "A catastrophe is threatening and how you are fighting with it": ... " and economical ... Bend over, or in all pairs, straighten forward. This is how food is supplied to history. " In fact, even in these words, one shouts the idea of ​​modernization of a new type, like the need for a new type of modernization in Russia due to the failure of the policy of Vitte and Stolipin and the story of the land according to the traditional way of industrial development for Europe.

One can judge about the special position of Trotsky's fierce writing and by the kindly unwillingness of joining the great party. At the Petrograd conference of interregional people - social democrats, who were thinking of reconciling the big people and the men (1917), in the presence of Lenin, he said:

The history of the Russian revolution can be respected by the central work of Trotsky for the ossyag, the power of the week and in connection with the virginity of Trotsky's ideas about the revolution. Yak rasspovid about the revolution of one of the brains diyovykh osіb tsya pratsya є unique in the literature` - this is how the book about the history of history І. Deutscher. The protest of nicholas has not been seen in the CPCP, nor in Russia, and only at once to be promoted to Russian reading. The first part of another thing was raised about the cause, which sent for the Lutnev revolution and overwhelmed Zhovtnevy's coup.

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Guidance to the melodic fragment of the book History of the Russian revolution. Volume II, part 1 (L. D. Trotsky) provided by our book partner - LitRes company.

COULD CHI BILSHOVIK TAKE FOR LIPEN VLADA?

The demonstration, which was surrounded by the district and the Viconavchy Committee, was of a grandiose character; the other day in nіy not less than 500 thousand people took part. Sukhanov, who does not know enough sharp words for assessing the "blood and brute" of the linden days, write, however: “Regardless of the political results, it is impossible to wonder about the buried at the center of the mass of the people of the people. It is not possible to boil, vvazhayuchi yogo teeth, but do not overwhelm yo gigant spontaneous swing. " For the children of the next comic, the killed Bulo 29 people, injured 114, approximately on both sides.

As soon as the collapse was buried from below, beyond the bolsheviks, before the singing world against them, in the first years of the year it was renowned and favored. Already before the night 3 lime trees, especially on the coming day, the official assessment changes. Rukh to get naked to the insurgents, bolshoviks - to the organizers. "Pid gasla" All Vlada Radam ", - writing this year close to Kerensky Stankevich, - it was in the form of a rebellion against the modern big glad, folded with the defencist parties." The engagement in the insurrection was not only because of the political struggle: the people raised the worm with an outstretch and then turned over to the power of the inflow of more shots on the mains and now they simply thought of the fact that the collapse of the robots and the soldiers could overwhelm them. Trotsky roz'yasnyuvati on the lodging of the Viconavchy committee: “We will be invoked by the one who has the right attitude; it’s not true, mi just namagaєmosya yogo formulyuvati ”. In the books, lettered by the opponents of the zhovtnevy coup, zokrem in Sukhanov, it is possible to achieve the tverdzhennya, none of the bolsheviks, depriving the people of the linden insurrection from the past, took their pride in the meta, grabbing for the spontaneous ruin of the masses. Ale hiba, can it be prikhovati, like belongings, a plan of a violent insurrection, drawing in hundreds of thousands of people from their virgin? Hiba in front of Zhovtnem, the bolsheviks didn’t appear to be absolutely aware of the message before the insurrection and didn’t get it in front of everyone? As long as the plan doesn’t turn out to be in lime, then it’s deprived of the one who didn’t get it. The entry of the kulemetniks and the Kronstadters into the Petropavlovsk fortress after the beginning of the permanent garnizon - on the whole "drowning" was especially pressed by the servants! - already niyak was not an act of violent insurrection. Roztashovans on the island of Budivlya - more vyaznytsya, lower vіyskova position - could still, mabut, serve as a backbone for those who step in, but didn’t give anything to those who were advancing. Pragnuchi to the Taurian palace, the demonstrators walked through the most popular wake-ups, for the busy ones to reach the Putilovsky corral of the Chervonoi guard. The stench of the Petropavlovsk fortress was filled with stench as it was with streets, bridges, squares. Zivim sponucal motive served as the art of the palace Kshesinskaya, who can come from the fortress to help in times of need.

Bilshovik destroyed everything in order to bring Lipnevo Rukh to the demonstration. Didn't it all come out with the logic of speeches from the tsikh between? On the whole, political food is more important than the responsibility, but not on criminal charges. Otsinayuchi lipnevі days at once after їkh completion, Lenin wrote: "anti-common demonstration - such a bullet would be formally most accurate description go. Alas, in this and on the right, it’s not an extravagant demonstration, it costs much more, less demonstration, less, less revolution ”. If the masi have mastered be an idea, I want to smell the stench. Doviryayuchi party bigshovikiv, robots, timid more soldiers, have not yet met, protest, virobiti perekonannya, so that the demand is not for the prize party and for the winners. Dosvіd fierce that quitnja vchvid shvidshu іnshomu. If Lenin spoke in equal terms, how robots and peasants have revolutionized our party a hundred times, win, without summing up, lute and awe-inspiring news. Ale and the masses greeted them in their own way. The stinks said to themselves: to move and to pull and to stream. Demonstration of a whole lot of ready-made boules in the linden days - as it was in the course of the order, it was necessary - just like the official state. Once the bourgeoisie has a support on the side of the bourgeoisie, the stench is ready to be smelled. Ostilki here is an element of a violent insurrection. As soon as it’s not just that, it’s not been brought to the middle, not only to the end, then it’s that the picture was strayed by the conciliators5.

In the first volume of the cycle, robots described the paradox of the lute regime in a lecture. Vlad from the hands of the revolutionary people was rejected by other bourgeois democracies, mensheviks and socialist revolutionaries. The stench didn’t make a big deal. The stench did not conquer the land. Against your own will, the stench came to a head under Vlad. Against the will of the masses, the stench pushed back to transfer the power to the imperialist bourgeoisie. The people did not violated the liberals, they did not violated the servants, as, however, they did not violated themselves. I stink bully, in its own way, may cause race. Having sacrificed the dominion of the bourgeoisie, democracies have lost their way. Taking the power in your hands, the guilty stench will turn into misery. From the democracies, vlada mayzhe would automatically fall into the hands of the bolsheviks. Bida Bula is unjustified, it is more in the organic lack of Russian democracy.

Lipneví demonstrators wanted to transfer the power to the Rada. For the whole it is necessary to get it, but it’s good to wait a while and take it. To spend an hour in the capital, there were more robots and active elements. Garnizon also went for more people, more in the Radio, by virtue of the law of inertia, powering the skin representative, it was common for other bourgeois and bourgeois parties, Workers and soldiers clearly saw that they were rubbing against their moods and politics. I am glad to stand up for the power, the stench of the call did not carry its own doviri please. Ale did not know the stench, how to fit in with him. To overthrow it by force meant it would be good to be happy, to replace that one to transfer it to the power. First, I’m glad to know the way to the latest, robots and soldiers tried to order their will by the method of direct action.

At the proclamation from both viconavchy committees from the drive of the linden days, the servants were appealed to robots and soldiers against the demonstrators, like, moving, "by the power of zeal, they tried to impose their will on the representatives of you." Never mind the demonstrators and viborts didn’t bother with two names of the same and quiet robots and soldiers! Do not vibortsi not concede the right to impose their will to get robbed! I nachebto tsya will lagged in the school, except for the vimogi of the viconati obovyazok: opanuvati vladyka in the interests of the people. Zoserezhuyuchis near the Tavry palace, the Masi shouted at the Vukh to the Viconavchy Committee the very phrase, like an unchangeable working message to Chernov at once with a callous fist: "Take the power, if you give." Cossacks called out to see the landowners. Gentlemen democracies respected for beautifully huge vіyna with the people of bloodless transition of power in their powerful hands. They shot the first biloguards. Aleksandr's menshoviks created the atmosphere of a huge political war.

Having poured on the saber from the side of the very organ that they wanted to transfer power to the stench, the robots and the soldiers did not mind. Three mighty mass ruff appeared to vismiknut his political shearing. Lipneviy disappeared before the demonstration, chastkovo viroblenoy by means of a robber insurrection. With the same right, it is possible to say that there was a semi-rebellion in the world, but did not allow other methods, except for demonstration.

When they were introduced to the authorities, the servants at the same hour did not give it to the liberals until the end of the day: because they were afraid of them - the other bourgeois fear the great; And besides, they were afraid for them - the purely Cadet Ministry of the Ministry of Education was inaccurately thrown over by the masses. Not only that: as Milyukov correctly ordered, “in the fight against self-made vicarious vistups, the Vikonavchiy committee For the sake of securing the right, declared in the days of the war on 20-21 April, will be ordered to the court by the garrison garrison forces of Petrograd.” You should try to steal your own pillow first. I’m glad to give zbroynu vіdsіch team, as I write on my posters Vlad is glad, I am glad to see the tantrum at the time in the hands of the possession.

The viconavchiy committee is from now on: I’m formally voted in the center of my sovereignty. "Yakbi revolutionary democracy has known for the necessary transfer of all power into the hands of the Rada," the resolution of 4 years testified, "then only the general election of the Viceroy Committees can have a food supply." Having dumbfounded the demonstration for the power, glad to the counter-revolutionary insurrections, the Viconavchy Committee at the same hour established itself as the supreme power and received a share of the order.

If, on the day, 5 linden "virni" went to the wake of the Taurian palace, the commander of those additional instructions, the Central Victory Committee will be ordered by the Central Viceroy Committee. No words about the order! Ale and the insurgents were happy to submit to the Vikonavchy Committee in the capacity of power. When giving the Petropavlovsk Fortress the Garnizon was enough to declare about your order to the Victory Committee. Nichto is not in the order of the official vlady. Ale і vіyska, viclikans from the front, put themselves in the order of the viconavchy committee. Was the roof spilled through such a mess?

Yakby fighting against the middle, offended sides, driving in one, they quoted one and the same with the words of the Bible. The history-formalities came a year before the weekend, but the struggle went through the wine-growing texts, the middle-aged workers and the unwritten villagers of Mali, as it seems, the wondrous addiction of letting yourself through the philology of single fine-grained drinking baptized with two fingers or three. As a matter of fact, in the middle century it is not mensh, but now, under symbolic formulas, the struggle of life's interests, as it is necessary in the minds of creation, was hoped. One and the same Evangelical virsh meant for some the beauty, and for others - freedom.

Ale є nabagato more svіzhі and close analogies. From the hour of worm days in 1848 to the fate of France on the sides of the barricades lunav one and the same cry: "Hai live the republic!" The dribno-bourgeois ideals of the worms of war seemed to them to be unreasonable, wicked by the mercy of some, the fuse of the others. As for the bourgeoisie they wanted republics for themselves, robots wanted republics for everyone. Political extinguished more often to serve in order to mask the interest, but not in order to name them by name.

Unimportant to all the paradoxicality of the lute regime, who were condemned before with Marxist and populist іgroglіphs, deisnі vіdnosіnі clasі to achieve insight. It is only necessary not to draw into the field the vision of the dual nature of the parties. The estimates of other bourgeoisie spiraled into robots and peasants, ale fraternized with titled assistants and fruit breeders. Entering the Radiansk system, through the yaku vimogi they lowered themselves to the official state, the Vikonavchiy committee served at the same hour the political pretext for the bourgeoisie. Submit the class "orderly" to the Vikonavchiy committee, oskilki win oversubbing the Vlad in the ekhniy bik. Masi passed the order to the Victory Committee, and some of them were given the opportunity to become the organ of panuvannya of robots and villagers. At the Tavriysk Palace, the antiquated class tendencies were changed, and this one was adhered to by the Vikonavchy Committee: one - for lack of information and confidence, іnsha - for cold rosary. Struggle didn’t go any more or less, like about those who rule the whole land: the bourgeoisie or the proletariat?

Ale who didn’t want to take ownership of the brothers, and the bourgeoisie didn’t have enough strength for it, maybe the bolsheviks could be in the lime opanuvati with kerm? Stretching out two critical days, Vlada in Petrograd absolutely squeezed out of the hands of the uryadov's installations. The viconavchiy committee for the first time saw its outside without strength. Taking the minds of the mind in your own hand would not put any kind of work for the greater workers7. It is possible to seize possession in suburban provinces. What is the right of the party in such a way that the Bolshoi Party is brought up against the insurrection? Couldn't, having settled in the capital and some industrial districts, expand my panu to the whole country? Tse is more important food. Now, in the end of the day, the celebration of the imperialism and reaction in Europe, as the unrepentant month of the Kerensky women, did not help the revolution of Russia, and they set up an invisible school of labor and moral authority in the eyes of the masses of the new army in the eyes of the army. Having quickened the birth of the proletarian coup d'état in the chotiri month, - a great term! - the Bolsheviks would have denied the land of the nation, the authority of the revolution in Europe is less than the pidirvanim. The price didn’t only give the people of the grand pass during the negotiations with Nimechchinoy, but it was the most inflow for the journey to the world in Europe. The prospect of a boolean is gimmicky! I Tim is not less than the Party's credibility is absolutely right, do not flock on the path of the evil insurrection. It is not enough to take possession. Treba vtrimati її. If the bolsheviks respected in the zhovtni, they were instructed at the hour, instructed at the present hour for them to drown in power. There was a need for a spur of the strength of the robotic class, for showcasing the neat attacks of the enemies. In the minds of the willingness to self-confrontation, it has not yet come to pass from the Petrograd workers8. Mayuchi might take possession, the stench smelled її, however. Viconavchy committee. The proletariat of the capital, in the midst of its greatness, is still heavy to large, has not yet cut off the lute's umbilical cord, but has called it with the servants. Even more illusions in that sense, no word and demonstration can reach everything; Anyone who has Polish men and women, can spontaneously lead a social policy with big business people. Navit the leading part of the class did not give a clear message in the way that you can come to power by way. Lenin wrote not bargainly: “With fair mercy to our party, in the days 3-4 days, now they are now, just those ... They called themselves servility to the bourgeoisie, and the bourgeoisie became counterrevolutionary on the ground, but nothing about peaceful development could be done. "

As it is politically heterogeneous and inadequately ridiculous, the proletariat is larger than the peasant army. With its behavior in 3-4 days, garnizon has increased the power for more people to take control. Ale in the warehouse of the garnizon boules, protest, and invisible fragments, which, until the evening of 4 April, swayed in the direction of patriotic parties. 5 neutral shelves are sent to the Vikonavchy committee, and the shelves, which are heavy to the point of greatness, should not accept neutrality. Tse nagato more untied the hands of the owner, but not the arrival of the front-line units. Yakbi bilshoviks zopala took 4 vlad, then the Petrograd garnizon didn’t just pick it up, but it didn’t let the biological workers walk away in the face of the inevitable strike.

The mensh still looked at the camp in the active army. The struggle for peace and the land, especially at the hour of the worm's attack, rocked it all over the edge with a fierceness until it was extinguished. Alec of the title of "spontaneous", the greatness of the soldiers is not ottozhnyuvavsya in the їхніy witness with the singing party, with the її Central Committee and the leaders. The soldiers' leaves of that hour even more clearly the army's stan. "Remember, Panov of the Ministry and all the heads of the prisoners, - the soldier's hand is writing from the front, - our party is disgusting, it’s just not far away, the tsar sent you to Siberia and put you in prison, and we’ll put you on the bagneti." ... The extreme steps of bitterness against the tops, as they deceive, are found in these rows with the notions of their own bezillas: "my party is disgusting intelligence." Against the crime of the office, the army rebelled without interruption, creeping for the whole gassami from the Bilshovitsky vocabulary. If the insurrection was to take place in order to hand over the power to the Bolshoi Party, the army was far from ready. Necessary parts for the stifling of Petrograd, the district saw from the warehouse of the most close to the capital, without the active support of other parts, and transported by train - without protidia zaliznyts... Unsatisfied, rebellious, easily occupied by the army, she was politically formless; in the warehouse there are already few buried large kernels, old dates, however, are directly thought and dyy poohkoy soldier's masi.

From the side of the land, to oppose the front to Petrograd and the village tylo, not without success, we cut off the barriers, as the reaction in the birch forest was magalized to let go against the rad. Eseri and menshoviks said to the soldiers at the front: Petrograd garnizon, go ahead in flowing bolsheviks, do not give you a snake; robots do not want to be able to use it for the needs of the front; If the villagers hear more and swallow the land at once, then the front-line soldiers will not lose anything. The soldiers demanded more in a pre-date message, for intelligence, for whom the power protects the earth: for the front-line soldiers or for the helpers.

Provincy stood between Petrograd and the active army. Її відгук on linen podії itself can serve even more important criteria a posteriori (lat. Ed.) for the sake of nutrition about those who did the right thing in the lime trees, having escaped from the middle of the struggle for power. Already in Moscow, the revolution pulsed indistinctly weakly, not in Petrograd. At the notice of the Moscow Committee, there was a burst of debate: some of the individuals who lay down to the extreme party crackle, like, for example, Bubnov, they missed the mail, the telegraph, the telephone station, the editorial office of the "Russian word" The committee, fiercely contemplated by its own spirit, is more loudly heard from these propositions, vazhayuchi, but the Muscovites are not ready for such a call. Uninvolved on the fence For the sake of sake, everything was up and running with the demonstration. Until the Skobelevskaya square, the figures of the working people were stretched out with the same silencers, but in Petrograd, but not far from the same pidyom. Garnizon vіdguknuvsya zvsіm one-way, sided with some parts, only one of them in general revival. Soldier-artilleryman Davidovskiy, who could take a serious part in zhovtnevy battles, witness in his fortunes, but Moscow has appeared unprepared until the last days, and what a siege of bad luck is overflowing with bad luck.

In Ivanovo-Voznesensk, the textile capital, de Rada was still standing before the critical bolsheviks, the sound about the story in Petrograd penetrated at once with a rumor about those who Timchasov's district was lingering. At a certain meeting of the Vikonavchy committee, it was decided to, as a preparatory officer, enter control over the telephone and telegraph. 6 robots have fallen out of place in factories; up to 40 thousand people took part in the demonstration, rich in abundance. If it zyasuvalosya, but the Petrograd demonstration did not lead to a change, Ivanovo-Voznesensky Rada hastily entered.

At Rizi, in a flood of information about the Petrograd subdivisions, it was brought up at 6 years ago to the Bilshovytsky's squadron of Latvian gunmen with a "battalion of death", and the patriotic battalion was attacked. Rizkiy Rada adopted the same resolution on the reprimand of Vlady. Two days later, the same resolution was born in the capital of the Urals, Yekaterinburg. The fact that the radiant power was extinguished, that it was hanging in the first month only from the name of the party, becoming the new program of the world’s glad, meaning, without question, the greatest croc forward. Ale from the resolution for the power, I am glad to the insurrection before the rebellion, by the ensign of the bolsheviks, who have become more and more significant.

In the surrounding areas of the country petersburg podії served as a piece, a discharge of a state conflict of a private character. At Nizhniy Novgorod, de evacuated soldiers were sent to the front, the cadets from Moscow were victorious with their violence against the two militia regiments. As a result of the perestroika, with the killed and wounded, the junkers were distant and bully rozbroєni. Vlada was frozen. Moscow was destroyed by the Kararal Expedition of three births. On the choli stood: the commander of the allies of the Moscow district, the impulsive Colonel Verkhovsky, the maybutny of the minister of Kerensky, and the head of Moscow's Radi, the old menshovik Khinchuk, the head of the poorly operative prisoner, the cooperative Quietly, however, there’s already no one, so as the revolted soldiers called the committee up at the same hour to restore order.

At about a few years ago, on the same ground, they were sent to the front, they rebelled in Kiev, a regiment named after the hetman Polubotko, in as many as 5 thousand people, they bought a warehouse of the zbroi, took over fortends, the headquarters of the district Panika in the place of trivala kilka godin, left by the combined zusillas of the authorities, to the committee of community organizations and bodies of the Ukrainian Central for the sake of standing boules of zeal, and there is a great part of the revolted.

In the distant Krasnoyarsk, the bolsheviks, the managers of the garnizon, saw themselves a lot of fun, well, they didn’t care about it in the land of reaction, they held 9 demonstrations, in which many soldiers took part 8-10 Against Krasnoyarsk, the bulwark was destroyed from Irkutsk to 400 people with artillery, under the authority of the district commissar Eser Krakovetsky. Stretching out two days inevitable for the regime of two-headed narads and negotiations, a punitive entrapment appeared on the floor of the soldier's propaganda, as the commissar was ready to turn him to Irkutsk. Ale Krasnoyarsk becoming sooner vinyatki.

In a large number of provincial and rural towns, the situation was unconsciously less friendly. Samara, for example, had a bizarre organization during the battles in the capital, "I checked the signal, if I wanted to get rid of someone else." One of the members of the party rozpoviday: “The robbers felt sympathetic to the bolsheviks; the soldiers were told even less rorahovuvati; there is no need for organizing big shots, then strong bully are even weak - we were bullied; there are a lot of people in the radio of robotic deputies, there are a lot of people in the soldier’s radio, it’s not so hard to be built, and it’s going to turn out to be more successful than the officers ”. The main reason The weak and unfriendly insight of the land fell into the fact that provinces, without fights, took Lyutnev's revolution from the hands of Petrograd, more and more, lower capital, overwhelmed new facts and ideas. The price is too small to be a pre-modern term, but the avant-garde has risen politically to an important reserve.

The camp of the people's masses, as the most virulent institution of revolutionary policy, included such a rank the power of drowning in linden. At the same hour, they stepped on the front and sponted the party against the demonstrations. The collapse of Nastannya Buv is absolutely inevitable. In fact, it’s already pochavsya. Alekraina did not know about it at all. Nebezpeka fought in the fact that, if the party was not careful, a lot could be called on for more prominence for the inheritance of a mighty godsend. Treba bulo date nastannya hour to suck it up. The Bilshoviks did not hesitate that the fracture in the Masach would be even twisted. Todi will be seen, but robiti. Rozrakhunok buv is absolutely correct. However, the podії conceal its logic, but it doesn’t smack them with political rozrahunki, and for the first time it fell violently on the heads of bіlshovikіv.

Failure to do so on the front took on the nature of a disaster of 6 limes, since the nimetski vіyska broke through the Russian front at a stretch of 12 versts in width and 10 versts at the glibin. In the capital, having become vidomy 7 linden trees, in the same spilled punishment and punishment. Bagato misses because, if the guilty addictions have subsided, or, take on more comprehension of character, Stankevich, not the most vicious opponents of greater semblance, all writing about the "mysterious petty last days of the day," The people didn’t bash, for they didn’t want to bach the action, because they didn’t want to know that the hopeless offensive couldn’t help but lead to a future catastrophe. Ale is not all the same, how about it? Zvyazati Petrogradske vistup with failure on the front Bulo is even more tempting. The patriotic friend didn’t just play the battle, they didn’t think about it, they didn’t think about it, they didn’t pay attention to the openings of the housekeepers: they called the divisions and the shelves, which were called up. “Fixing at 8 limes, - the name of Milyukov, - the newspapers sent the newspapers to the door with telegrams from the front, so they thundered the Russian community with thunder”. In general, there was a meta: shake, nalakat, stun, so it is easier to ring bolsheviks with nimts.

The provocation insanely played a role in the podiums on the front, as on the streets of Petrograd. For a lute coup, the detachment wicked into the army a great number of large gendarmes and towns. Nichto of them, zychayno, do not want to fight. The Russian soldiers were afraid of the stench more, not the nimts. But the stench had forgotten its past, the stench chipped away at the extreme moods of the army, the soldiers were nudged at the officers, they went against the discipline and insistence for all of them, but they didn’t see themselves too often. One by one the natural link of spilniks was growing, the stench was smelt of a kind of order of boyguztva and pedigree. Through them they penetrated to the vіysk and quickly widened the most fantastic empathetic, in which ultra-revolution they dwindled from the black-handed people. At a critical year, the sub'kti pershi gave a signal to panic. The policemen and gendarmes have been ordered by a friend more than once to carry out the retail work. Not less part of this kind in the secret documents of the army itself. Ale vishche komandovannya vidmovchuvalosya, vazhayuchi for beautifully ottozhnyuvati black-hundred provocateurs with bilshoviks. Now, in the wake of the collapse of the day, and with a start of legalization, the newspaper menshovikov did not appear from the most common chauvinistic leaflets. Shouts about "anarcho-Bolsheviks", Nimetsian agents and colossal gendarmes of the patriot zagalny camp army and about the policy of the light. “Our glorious hole in Lenin’s front, - the prince Lvov boasted,“ my dear, on my side, it’s unbelievably more important for Russia, but it’s not just a glimpse of nimts on the new-come-old front… ” Sensei, you will not be ugly, you need to help.

Yakbi 3-4 lime trees in the distance, utrimate the mass of the demonstration, inevitably, it would inevitably vibrate as a result of the Tarnopolsky cut through. The addition of everything in the number of days brought, however, important changes in the political situation. Rukh immediately took on a wider range, not only in the provinces, but in the significant world and the front. Uryad will be politically exposed, and it will be imperceptibly more important than will be called the provinces on "zradnikiv" in Tila. The position of the Bolshoi Party has been applied to all individuals in the past. However, in the first place on the right, there could not have been anything about the bezposredne conquest of power. There is only one thing that can be done with good luck: having vibrated the ruff for a long time, the reaction without going into the distance can turn up in the lime tree so much is possible. The very "enigmatic aftermath" of the terms of the demonstration, and I cut through the straight line completely against the big shots. Hvilya stupefied and I see, swam from the front, stuck with a hvilya of broken hopes, went from Petrograd. The lesson of the masses in the capital, buv zanadto suvoriy, so you can think about the negativity of renewing the struggle. Tim had a gostre hour for an hour, a Wiclikan we had no gulls, we joked about a vikhodu. To the first patriots to the singing world in the distance, direct them against the bolshoi.

In the apartment, in the heart and in the lime, there are the main figuries, the bullets are also: liberals, servants, bolsheviks. Masi pounced on all stages of the process of bringing the bourgeoisie out of power. Aleksandr in political heritage is involved in the majesty of the podії. As a result of the "modern days" the bourgeoisie suffered: the annexationist policy was condemned, accepted in words, the cadet party was belittled, and it had a bourgeoisie. At the heart of the ruch, it was violated by the mind: they just swung at the big ones, they didn’t hit the blow. In the case of lime, the party of big shooters has a bully caught in the air, thrown off, relieved in the fire and water. As soon as in the apartment there are Milyukov vilets in the row, then in the linen Lenin pereyshov at the pidpill.

Well, what did it mean that such a small change spanning ten tendencies? All in all, it is obvious that in the ruling stakes there was a serious destruction in the bik of the liberal bourgeoisie. Tim is on the same time period, the day is linden, the mood of the mas is rapidly changing in bik bolshovikiv. Two other processes were developing in dense debris, one of them. What more robots and soldiers got stuck around more people, more than more pleasing ones who brought the bourgeoisie to trimmings. In the office of the leader of the Vikonavchy committee in the turbot about their inflow, the croc could be thrown overboard by the masses and went overboard Milyukov, although he was protected with a solid ryatuvalny belt. At the same time the bourgeois and the office were smashing the bolsheviks among the bourgeois. The change in the fight against the forces of the Viklikano Bulo, the same, and once again by turning the best of the political forces, the other bourgeois democracy, and the vicious wreckage in the bourgeois counter-revolution.

If so, then who did the bolsheviks rightly, having come before the demonstration and took on themselves for it the certainty? 3 lipnya Tomskiy comments on Lenina's thought: “Speak at once about whistup without bazhannya new revolution is not possible. " How, in such a way, the party already after a few years has become at the most robust demonstration, as much as not calling for a new revolution? The theorist is a little bit uncomfortable anyway, it’s better, politically lightweight. So marveling at the right, for example, Sukhanov, in the "Notes" introduced the least of the ironic rows of the bolshoi clerk. Ale masi get involved in the podії not according to the doctrinaire order, but todі, since it is vyplya from the powerful political development. Bіlshovitske credibility is reasonable, but a new revolution can change the political situation. However, the robots and soldiers were not wise. Bіlshovitske kerіvnіstvo clearly bachilo, but important reserves need to give an hour to build up their own fortune from the adventurous nastannya. Alle the leading edge of the story rushed to the street itself before the beginning of the adventure. Gliboky radicalism has come to their minds with many illusions of new methods. The increase in the number of big shooters did not work. The robbers of Petrograd and the soldiers could reconsider the situation only on the vlasnoe dosvidі. Ozbroєna demonstration and became such a change. Ale, the pose by the will of the mas, the change could be recast into a general battle and by ourselves in a great defeat. Under such circumstances, the party did not dare to become overwhelmed. Kill your hands in strategic morality meant just seeing robots and soldiers and enemies. The party of masters was guilty of stati on that ground, on the yak of steels, masi, schob, nіtrohi did not distribute їх іlusіy, with the help of the hired expenses to take the necessary accessories. Trotsky said to the prestigious critics of quiet days: “We don’t care about the need to justify ourselves in front of Kim Bi, it didn’t mean that they didn’t go down to the sides by showing General Polovtsev with the“ rosters ”. In any case, our involvement from any side could not hurt the number of victims, nor reconvert the chaotic manifestation in political insurrection. "

The prototype of the "linden days" is very effective among all the old revolutions, for the agile, for the out-of-the-way rule, the unfriendly, unattractively catastrophic results. Such a stage of laying the foundation for the internal mechanics of the bourgeois revolution, a class of that class, which is the best sacrifice for the success and the best reward for her hopes, the least I will take away from her. The law of the process is absolutely clear. A cold class, getting hold of a coup d'état, grateful respect, that the revolution itself has drawn its mission, and the most bustle of the time, that it will bring its goodwill to the forces of reaction. The "revolution" of the bourgeoisie of the Wyklica was stupefying the people by the very visits, which will gather to conquer the subtlety of the classes that have been knocked down by it. The rozcharuvannya of the mas is now even soon, even before the vanguard is awakened by the oholonuti of the revolutionary battles. The people will be built, well, we can make a new blow to finish off or fix those that were previously lacking in money. Started to the new revolution, without training, without programs, without looking back at the reserves, without thinking about the inheritance. From the side, the ball of the bourgeoisie came to power as a bourgeois ball from the bottom, and I tried to spend enough time with the people. This is the social and psychological basis of this pre-daddy revolution, which more than once in history has become a point of improvement of a possible counter-revolution.

On 17 April 1791 Lafayette developed a peaceful demonstration of the republics on the Field of Mars, as they turned from petition to the National Zborivs, as well as added the power of the king to the land The royalist bourgeoisie supported the help of the time-consuming crooked lazne to fit in with the party of the revolution forever. The republics, who had not yet seen themselves to be strong enough to overcome, fought in a battle, but very judiciously. Smells of navi were quick to see among the petitioners, but it was every once in a while and gravely. The regime of the bourgeois terror zmusiv jakobіntsіv on a kіlka mіsyatsіv vshuhnuti. Robesp'єr know the lane at the carpenter Duplet, Desmulen perekhovavsya, Danton provin kіlka tizhnіv in England. All the same, the royal provocation did not fail: the right to the Field of Mars did not prevent the republican ruk from coming before the break. Great is the French revolution small, in such a rank, its "linden days" in political, and in the calendar sense of the word.

Through 57 rockets, the "lime days" went to France for a worm and took on an immeasurably greater grandiose and tragic character. Thus, the call of the "worm days" of 1848 grew from a lute coup d'etat with an unbreakable force. The French bourgeoisie voted in the year of her change "the right to pratsyu", as she fostered, reproducing rock, a lot of miraculous speeches in 1789, as she swore oath in 1914, as soon as I leave my fault. From the written right to the minimum winners of the national maisterns, ten thousand workers, who won the Vlad for their masters, got 23 sous a day. Even though it’s generous for a phrase, but for a coin, the republican bourgeoisie didn’t know how to endure the educative words for the “darmoids” who were sitting on a hungry national ration. In the overworld of lute attitudes and witnesses of the pre-June provocations, the national rice of the French bourgeoisie is known. Ale and without a lot of Parisian robots with a lute towel in their hands, they could not have reacted to the rubbing of their writing program and everyday action, at an unbearable contrast, like a skinny day beating through the slider and according to the conscience. With a kind of quiet and unparalleled rosary, in the eyes of all the governing suspension, Cavaignac letting the rebellion grow grows up, so that it’s more easy to fit in with him. The republic's bourgeoisie drove no less than twelve thousand workers, no less than twenty thousand handed over a job, so that they see them as being given the "right to pratsyu". Without a plan, without programs, without a core, the days of 1848 are fatally similar to a possible and non-gateway reflex to the proletariat, pinned down in their very elementary needs and reflected in their very high hopes. The revolted robots were not only cheated, ale and abbreviated. Liby the Democrat Flocon, the one-thinker of Ledru-Rollin, the forerunner of Tsereteli, singing the National Zbori, who was bought by the monarchists and the earthly uglies. In 1848, it was not necessary to create an atmosphere of war, and it was possible to see gold in the chickens of English and Russian gold. This is how the democracies paved the way for Bonapartism.

Kinets of the fragment.

History of the Russian revolution. Volume I

Thank you, you have downloaded the book in the electronic library http://filosoff.org/ Welcome reading! Trotsky L. D. History of the Russian Revolution. Volume I. PEREDMOVA TO RUSSIA'S VIDANNA. Lyutnev's revolution is involved in a democratic revolution in the vlast's word. Politically, she went through two democratic parties: socialist revolutionaries and menshoviks. Turning to the "commandments" of the Lutnevo revolution and at the same time the official dogma of the so-called democracy. All this is given to the idea that democratic ideologists are guilty. Offended by the democratic party, it is up to them to admit that there are more than thirteen rockets, and the skin of them is in its own order by the headquarters of the writers, since at any time it is impossible to see it in admissibility. I am not less than me not so good that I deserve the respect of the robots of the democrats about the democratic revolution. The leaders of the political parties obviously do not want to change the direction of the development of the Lute revolution, in which the gratis was brought to such a role. Chi is not wonderful? Ні, whole in the order of speeches. The leaders of the vulgar democracy are afraid to be set up before the action of the Lute revolution, but rather to swear by the unprofitable commandments. The furnishings that the stench itself occupied with the stretching of the decilkas of 1917 to the fate of the cruel post, as the most and the smallest of them came out, look at the present day. But the role of men and women and social revolutionaries is deplorable (like the irony to sound like a name!) Imagined not just the weakness of the leaders, but the historical era of the vulgar democracy of the revolution The whole point is that - and the head of the book - that Lyutnev's revolution was just obolonkoy, in which the core of the Zhovtnevo revolution was holed. The history of the Lutnevo revolution є the history of that, like Zhovtneva, the nucleus was ringing from its own crooks. Yakbi vulgar democracies dared objectively viklast go go, the stench so little could have clung someone to turn to the fierce one, as it is not possible to cluck an ear to turn into the seed that gave birth to it. The axis of the natchnenniki of the bastard lute regime of the snarl and the curl of their eyes at their own historical culmination, as it turned out to be the culmination of their incapacity. You can, however, pay for those who are liberalism, in the person of Professor History Milyukov, having tried all the same to make rakhunki with “another Russian revolution”. Ale Milyukov is not impressed by the fact that he has become aware of Lyutnev's revolution. It’s unlikely that there’s a possibility for a national-liberal monarchist to become a democracy, I want it to be vulgar, - on the wrong side, it’s true, I’m reconciled to the republic, if nothing has been lost? Ale, to see the political world around us, Milyukov’s robot about the Lute revolution, but in any sense, it is impossible to respect the scientific practice. The leader of liberalism appears in his "History" as a patient, as a positive person, but not as a historian. Yogo three books are being read, as the editorial of "Rech" is stretched out in the days of the avaria of the Kornilovshchina. Milukov zvinuvachu all classes and all parties in the fact that the stench did not allow the first class and the third party to hold power in their hands. Milukov will attack the democrats for those who didn’t want to smell, or didn’t want to be the last national liberals. At the same hour, the temptations of the witness, even more democracies were approaching national liberalism, and the more stink they were consuming support in the masses. You don’t get lost, vreshty-resht, nothing else, like the Russian people in that, which are not victorious, they are named by the revolution. Greetings to the Russian troubles Milukov, before the hour of writing his tritomous editorial, all the more shukati in Ludendorff's office. Cadet patriotism, as vidomo, polyagan in the fact that most of the stories in the history of the Russian people are explained by the directors of the German agents, and instead of being pragmatic about the “Russian people” of the Constantinian people. The historical work of Milyukov will successfully complete the political orbit of the Russian national liberalism. The intelligence of the revolution, as the history in general, can only be used as a process of objectivity. The development of the people visuv is such a zavdannya, which cannot be allowed by other methods, except for the revolution. In this era, the methods are imposed with such a force, so that the whole nation is drawn into the tragic vir. There is no big deal, as a moral defeat for the drive of great social catastrophes! Here Spinozi's rule is especially pre-verbal: not to cry, not to be confused, but to be smart. The problems of the state, power, politics, law, and else entrusted with them are also problems of the family, specialties, artistic creativity put by the revolution anew and look at each other from bottom to top. There are not many other areas of human creativity, in which the fair national revolutions would not be included in the great victories. Tse is the same, obviously passing, yes, the most over-turning of the monizm of historical development. All the fabrics of the suspension are fiery, the revolution is thrown into the light on the main problems of sociology, the society of sciences, as an academic thought for the year otstom and stusans. The problems of the state and power, the class and the nation, the party and the class, the specialty and the suspension are set before the hour of the great social upheavals with the edge of the force. Since the revolution and not permitting innocently anything, they have given rise to food, which will lead to new changes in the minds of the revolution, and then all the problems of a suspension life until the end of the day will be unraveled. And in sociology it’s more, it’s not a lot, a mystery of knowledge є a mystery of nakedness. There is little to say that our little girl does not pretend to turn. The reader is in front of him the chief rank of the political history of the revolution. The food of the economy will get rid of the rest, some of the stench is necessary for the rationalization of the political process. The problems of culture are beyond the scope of the past. It is not possible, however, to forget that the process of revolution, that is, without the middle class struggle for power, є, for its very own sutta, is a political process. Another volume of "History", Zhovtnevy's assignments to the coup, the author is encouraged to embrace in the light of the fate of the future. Prinkipo, 25 fierce 1931 r L. Trotsky PEDEMOVA The first two months of 1917 Russia was a Roman monarch. Through all the months of the kerm, there were already big people, about whom they knew little of the fate and the leaders of which, at the very moment they came to power, they were interrupted by those who were invaded by the great powers. There is no other such abrupt turn in history, especially if you don’t forget it, which is about the nation in the past few years of souls. It is clear that the fate of 1917, like bi before them, is not put, to merit the vivchennya. The history of the revolution, as if it were history, is to blame for all the developments that have become. However, it is not enough. From the very beginning, it is clear why it became so, and not inakhe. The move can’t be seen as a lancet is suitable, but it’s strung on a thread of anticipated morality. The stench is guilty of reproaching your own sovereign laws. The author and the author of the author's account. Naybіlsh with a pepperless rice revolution є directly involved in the history of the world. At the earliest hour, the power, monarchical, as well as democratic, is supportive of the nation; The history of making the fahivtsi of the right: monarchs, ministries, officials, parliamentarians, magazines. But at those turning points, since the old order has become unbearable for the masses, the stink of partitions stinks, when they see them from the political arena, they transfer their traditional representatives and set up their own regimes for the new ones. І evil or good, it is for the moralists to judge. We take facts ourselves, as the stench is given by an active course of development. The history of the revolution is for us the first for all the history of the violent invasion of the mass into the field of control of their power shares. The class is fighting in the hunted revolutionary suspension. It is generally obvious, however, that changes are seen between the ear of revolution and the beginning of the day, in the economic foundations of suspension and in the social substratum of classes, are absolutely insufficient for explaining the progress of the revolution itself, in an hour skid. The dynamism of revolutionary podіy without any means begins with quick, energetic and bizarre changes of the psychology of the classes that were formed before the revolution. On the right, in the fact that the suspension does not change its set in the world of consumerism, as a master, I use his tools. Nawpaki, practically install it over it, as if it were given once. With ten years of opposing criticism, I’ll arrange it with a valve for mass dissatisfaction and the mental strength of a suspicious critic, for example, criticism of social democracy. We need vinyatkov not to lie down because of the will of the parties, but think about it, because you see the dissatisfaction of Kaidani with conservatism and create the masi before the insurrection. Shvidkі snakes of mass glances and attitudes in the era of revolution are vyplivayut, not from the meanness and decay of the human psyche, but, navpaki, from the great conservatism. Chronic reports of ideas and ideas from new active minds, right up to that moment, as they will fall on people in the face of catastrophe, due to the fact that during the revolution, the tribes are likely to be demolished as a result of the demise In the revolution, we should not enter into the revolution by preparing a plan for a suspicious over-sleep, but with a view of the unhappiness of enduring old. If the core ball is a class of great political programs, however, it will require a conversion of the podiat and in the grasped weight. The main political process of the revolution and the polarization in the class of the buildings, which are focused on the social crisis, in the active organization of the mass by the method of the last days. Around the stage of the revolutionary process, anchored by the wickedness of some of the parties, all the more extreme, the growing onslaught of the masters will rise, as long as the swing of the hand does not fit into the active transition. This is the beginning of the reaction: the discouragement of the spheres of the revolutionary class, the growth of indifferentiism and the very change of the positions of the counterrevolutionary forces. Such, at least, is the scheme of the old people of revolutions. Only on the basis of the development of political processes in the masses themselves can be seen the role of parties and leaders, who are the least powerful ignorant. The stink of a warehouse is not an independent, but even more important element of the process. Without the core organization, the energy of the mass rose as a pair, which does not fit into the cylinder with the piston. Ale ruhaє is still not a cylinder or a piston, but a steam. Difficult, as to stand on the path of vivchennya of change of mass witness in the era of revolution, is absolutely obvious. Appropriate to classify history in factories, in barracks, in villages, on the streets of places. With all the stench, the least sound was recorded. Period of the high spur of social preferences, there is little thought of seeing and imagining. All muses, to visit plebeian museums to journalism, are unimpressed on її mіtsnі boki, to bring the hour of the revolution tightly. And the whole camp of history is not hopeless. Records not, rozr_zneni, vipadkov_. Ale in the light of the very bottom of the fragments, the fragments allow the rhythm of the primed process to be infrequently guessed. For the worse, for the better, for the change of mass evidence of the revolutionary party, the party will lay down its tactics. The historical path to bolshoiism is good enough to bring such an image, at least in its coarse rice. Why is it that for a revolutionary politician in Viri Fighting it cannot be accessible to history in hindsight? However, the processes that are seen in the witness of the mas are not self-sufficient, not independent. Both ideals and eclectics weren’t angry; In the historical minds the formulation of Russia, of the state, of the classes,

Trotsky's "History of the Russian Revolution" is the fundamental work of one of the forebears of the Bolshoy Movement, which was first published in 1930. The newcomer is able to hear the ringing between Lutnevoy and Zhovtnevoy revolution. All the glimpses of the book mean that the book is politically poised and very much anti-stalinist straightforward. For the first time Russia has seen only in 1997 rotsi.

A robot over a book

Above the "History of the Russian Revolution," Trotsky began his first hour of hanging in Istanbul. Win buv hung out from the SRSR in 1929 rotsi, three times later, they officially amused the Radiansky community.

Behind the cordon, youmu had a chance to fiddle with light. Trotsky is alive with France, then in Norway. The Scandinavian land was afraid of the destruction of vidnosin from the SRSR, and in all ways it pushed the wrong political emigrant into confusion. Norway got away with homework and saw a vid Radiansky Union, In fact, sniffing viїhati. In 1936, he moved to Mexico at the pidsum. There he is alive at the house of the artist

Great help in writing "The History of the Russian Revolution" gave Trotsky his secretary and assistants. The author himself became aware, without the library and archival reports, as Lev Sedov delivered the sin to him, not having written one of his books, but especially "History of the Russian Revolution". Trotsky published the book from a series of articles in American journals. In total, having trimmed for 45 thousand dollars.

share of the book

Volume 1 of the "History of the Russian Revolution" of Trotsky's assignments to the episodes of the historical political history. In the first place of the Lutnevo revolution. In volume 2 of "The History of the Russian Revolution" Trotsky's statement about the Zhovtnev revolution.

The author himself is at the forefront until he sees it, but it’s a key sign, which needs to be done for the work, and in that the revolution of 1905 was destined for the obolonka, in which the central core of the Zhovtnevoy revolution was hoped.

At this hour, the manuscript of the book is kept in America, in the Hoover Institute. Vona zalishaєtsya head rarity of all archives of the home bіlshovik.

The Radiansky Union of the "History of the Russian Revolution" by Lev Davidovich Trotsky, naturally, has never been seen. The Russian reading room became available only in 1997, since the 80th revolution in Petrograd.

Vidomy the historian Yuriy Umelyanov so primed the fence at Trotsky's reading room. Radianske kerіvnіstvo nіbito respected, that if you read Trotsky, you become infected with his ideas and become a Trotskyist yourself. Vlad could not tolerate such a rank.

Criticism of the "History of the Russian Revolution"

Bagato prelude to the ambiguous position of Trotsky's robotics. For example, the ex-minister of the Zakordonnykh is right to know about the two-volume pracea, having a lot of zdravings. It is clear that it should converge in tsi knizi with Trotsky in zagaln_y otsіntsі the podiat of the Lutnevo Revolution, as well as in that role, as in the whole world-socialist center.

With a great deal of respect, it’s a conflict between Stalin and Trotsky in the main dressing from the goodwill of the general to the mind of his fellow party member.

Another authoritative presenter, Soltan Dzasarov, who called Trotsky's book, is how he and the pratsy "Zrazhena revolution", robotically, as a merit for especial respect. On this idea, on a large scale, an epic canvas, I will describe one of the most popular stories of the history.

Features of Trotsky's Doslidzhen

If in the 90s there was a rosiyske vidannya, it was supervised by the forefront of Professor Mykoly Vasetsky. The meaning of the new concept is that the main value of the book is in the fact that it was written by an active and unprecedented participant in revolutionary podiatry, who knows everything not by documents, but by his own special information.

Before that, Vasetsky meant that the author had tried to write in the book not just as a publicist and memoirist, but as a glimpse of the past, having tried to give an objective picture of one of the greatest stories for the entire XX century. At the same time, in the forefront, it meant that in the bottom there was overexposure, as well as an emphasis on the history of the past for the morbidity of political conjuncture.

On the sidelines of the "History of the Russian Revolution" it is good to see that Trotsky hates Stalin, who doesn’t have anything to do with the leader of the USSR. At that hour, there was no better time about the fall of the Radiansky leader.

It is a great pity to those preachers to report that the robot has gone even more sub-active, rich, for about Trotsky write, є for real.

A strong inflow to rob the theory The theory behind it is the starting point for the development of revolutionary processes in the poorly condemned and peripheral lands.

History of the Revolution

An analysis of the history of Lutnevo and Zhovtnevoy revolution, Trotsky Vikoristov, should provide additional arguments for the reproach of his theory of unreasonable development of singing countries of the world. With tsom Russian empire on the ear of the 20th century, it must be brought to the vidstal powers.

Tsіkavі vislovlyuvannya about tsіy pratsі Trotsky's renowned Polish-English biographer politician Isaak Deutscher. On the first thought, in the whole robot, the author will undoubtedly belittle his role, in view of the first plan of the figure of Volodymyr Lenin. Why, it’s worthwhile to try to keep up the resistance to Stalin’s figure.

Vіtchiznyany Doslіdnik Vasetsky is categorically not suitable for him. Win, navpaki, vvazhaє, the role of Trotsky in the descriptions of the podiatry is overdone. Vasetskiy bouv of admiration, for the help of the book Trotsky, suffered a beggarly defeat among the internal party struggles at the turn of the 20-30s, having replayed his past.

fundamental pratsya

The fundamental pracea was called the book of the rich Zacordon Trotskyi. For example, the American Devid North, who complained only about those who could not read my original. The third assessment of the years and rich biographies of the leader of the Bolshoi Party is Georgy Cherniavsky, Yuriy Felshtinsky. Smells vvazayut її naivagomіshm work of the author from the historical perspective. At the same time, the book did not lose its historical significance to the ear of the XXI century, so that still a lot about the assessment of quiet events is conducted without a super-link. With a great stench, Vasetsky himself is called out of tendencies, I want to wait for a while, but the book is overwhelmingly political.

Perry Anderson's British-American doctrine about the book "History of the Russian Revolution" historical analysis And also about the unity of the past, in which the mainstream of history merges with the advice of the political leader and organizer Trotsky.

Spilling the robot Trotsky

This is how the "History of the Russian Revolution" was evaluated by the Russian biographer Lev Volkogonov. Vіn vvazhiv, so nіvіt wіkcho bіgnanets nothing more without writing, thіѕ іm іm аnd lost b in a number of significant historical writers.

Tsikavo is also the thought of the American astrophysicist Carl Sagan, who had already brought copies of the book itself to the SRCP, so that you can learn about your colleagues in terms of their history. It is important that the popularity of the community did not die down until the next day. The socialist presi regularly visit new views. In addition to this, the author is maximally aware of the Lutnevo revolution. Trotsky, having formulated a lot of problems, were simply afraid to talk about dozens of rockets.

reaction of Stalin

In view of the vision of "The History of the Russian Revolution" Yosip Stalin in 1931 published in the magazine "Proletarian Revolution" over the hand of the published article. Vona came out with the title "About the deyakі natannya іstorії bіlsovizmu".

It’s a lot of presenters to look at the generalsimus’s opinion on the book of Trotsky’s books, which appeared in that period. The sense of its own statty Stalin should be brought up to the necessity of making a debate about the problems of the history of the revolution and the party. And at the end of the call, in any case, not to allow literary discussion with the Trotskists.